Of Plymouth Plantation, 1620-1647

"The place they fixed their thoughts upon was somewhere in those vast and unpeopled countries of America, which were fruitful and fit for habitation, though devoid of all civilized inhabitants and given over to savages, who range up and down, differing little from the wild beasts themselves." 

Bradford's description of America as "unpeopled" (13) may seem odd to modern readers, particularly because it is immediately followed by an acknowledgment that many "savages" (13) live there. The comparison of Native Americans to "wild beasts" (13) provides a clue to Bradford's meaning: Bradford implies that the Native Americans are so subhuman that the land they live on is effectively unoccupied. The idea that it was moral to claim any land not occupied by "civilized inhabitants" (13) would become a central tenet of European (and American) imperialism over the next several centuries.

"A fourth thing is carefully to be provided for, to wit, that with your employments, which will be common to all, you join affections truly bent upon the general good, avoiding, as a deadly plague of your own comfort, all retiredness of mind for selfish advantage. Let every one repress within himself, as so many rebels against the common good, all private partialities, not consistent with the general convenience and as one is careful not to have a new house shaken with any violence before it is well settled and the parts firmly knit, so be you, I beseech you brethren, much more careful, that the house of God, which you are and are to be, be not shaken with unnecessary novelties or other oppositions at the first settling thereof."

When the Pilgrims leave for America, Robinson, who is remaining behind, provides them with a letter containing several pieces of advice. Given the problems Plymouth later has with Allerton, this passage may be the most important: in it, Robinson cautions the Pilgrims to always place the common good over "selfish advantage"(37). It is not clear whether Robinson is speaking of financial profits specifically, but this certainly turns out to be a divisive force in the Plymouth community, one that not only causes Allerton to engage in questionable business practices, but that also motivates many of the colony's settlers to relocate, weakening the fabric of the community. The passage therefore touches on the possible tensions that exist between the Pilgrims' economic practices and their hopes of establishing a strong and cohesive Christian society.

"But it pleased God, before they came half seas over, to smite the young man with a grievous disease, of which he died in a desperate manner, and so was himself the first to be thrown overboard. Thus his curses fell upon his own head, which astonished all his mates for they saw it was the just hand of God upon him." 

In Of Plymouth Plantation, this is an early instance of a pattern that repeats throughout: Bradford ascribes the sailor's death to divine providence. Like Bradford's descriptions of the Native Americans, passages like this one are likely to disturb modern readers—particularly because, in this case, the only sin the sailor had committed was taunting the Pilgrims for their seasickness. For the Pilgrims, this is the necessary corollary to their beliefs: if God favors the Pilgrims in order to demonstrate the rewards of godliness, he punishes their "enemies" to demonstrate the repercussions of sin.

"First, I will turn back a little, and begin with a compact or deed drawn up by them before they went ashore to settle, constituting the first foundation of their government. This was occasioned partly by the discontented and mutinous speeches that some of the strangers amongst them had let fall: that when they got ashore thee would use their liberty that none had power to command them, the patent procured being for Virginia, and not for New England, which belonged to another company, with which the Virginia company had nothing to do. And, further, it was believed by the leading men among the settlers that such a deed, drawn up by themselves, considering their present condition, would be as effective as any patent, and in some respects more so." 

The document Bradford is discussing in this passage is what we now call the Mayflower Compact: an agreement drafted by the "leading men" (49) of the colony and signed by a majority of the settlers (considering that women and servants could not vote). As Bradford notes, the Compact was intended in part to discourage rebellion, which had become a real possibility given the uncertainty of the patent and the presence of settlers who had come to America for business rather than religious freedom. By signing the document, the signatories essentially agreed to abide by a common set of laws and procedures. Its significance, however, lies more in the fact that it was an early declaration of self-government. Despite its limitations, then, the Compact lay the groundwork for democracy in America.

"Squanto stayed with them, and was their interpreter, and became a special instrument sent of God for their good, beyond their expectation. He showed them how to plant their corn, where to take fish and other commodities, and guided them to unknown places, and never left them till he died." 

Squanto is the first Native American the Pilgrims develop a longstanding and friendly relationship with. Given how difficult the Pilgrims' first few years in Plymouth were, it seems likely that the colony would not even have survived without the farming assistance Squanto provided. As Bradford's account progresses, it becomes clear that Squanto has his own reasons for aiding the settlers—for instance, gaining influence over the local tribes. Given that, it's noteworthy that Bradford here describes Squanto as a "special instrument sent of God" (52), as if he has no agency of his own. This is in keeping with the Pilgrims' understanding of themselves as a community with a special, God-given purpose, which those around them exist to serve.

 "The failure of this experiment of communal service, which was tried for several years, and by good and honest men proves the emptiness of the theory of Plato and other ancients, applauded by some of later times—that the taking away of private property, and the possessions of it in community, by a commonwealth, would make a state happy and flourishing; as if they were wiser than God. For in this instance, community of property (so far as it went) was found to breed much confusion and discontent, and retard much employment which would have been to the general benefit and comfort." 

The above passage is Bradford's most explicit discussion of the Pilgrims' economic philosophy. For the first couple of planting seasons, the Plymouth settlers had farmed corn in a communal area, and crop yields were persistently low. Bradford suggests that this was not a coincidence, but rather a flaw in the very concept of common ownership. Since workers cannot be sure that their labor will go directly toward feeding themselves or their families, they are not as motivated to work hard. This is a fairly common criticism of socialist economies, but it is noteworthy that Bradford links this criticism to the Pilgrims' religious convictions, suggesting that communal ownership is an attempt to override God's plan for the world. It is almost certainly the case that the Pilgrims' beliefs about frugality and discipline lent themselves to a particular kind of capitalism, but it is also somewhat unusual to see such an explicit defense of self-interest in a Christian work.

"Those that came on their own venture looked for greater things than they found, or could attain to, such as building great houses in pleasant situations, as they had fancied—as if they could be great men, and rich, all of a sudden; but they proved castles in the air."

The first few years of life in Plymouth are challenging in part because of the constant arrival of new settlers sent by the English investors, particularly Weston. By and large, these settlers do not share the Pilgrims' religious beliefs and have come to America in the hopes of making their fortunes. This results in some friction because while the Pilgrims also pursue profit in their own way, they do so within a religious context emphasizing hard work and patience. In fact, pursuing wealth as an end in and of itself would be directly contrary to the Pilgrims' religious beliefs, which hold that anything physical and worldly (material possessions included) is at best transitory and at worst a dangerous distraction from a deeper, spiritual reality. Bradford’s dismissal of the settlers' hopes as "castles in the air" (83) therefore has a double significance, referring both to the failure of their plans in Plymouth and to the illusory nature of all similar dreams and goals.

"Some of those who still remained here on private venture, began secretly to plot, in league with a strong faction of the adventurers in England, on whom several of them depended. By their whisperings they drew some of the weaker members of the colony itself to their side, and made them so discontented that at last nothing would satisfy them but that they might be allowed to be on their own resources also, and even made large offers to be freed from the community." 

Among the many factors that prompted the Pilgrims to leave Leyden was a desire to prevent their community from "scattering" (12); the fear was that, as the congregation grew older and less able to work, financial necessity would compel them to leave. By this point, however, it is clear that resettlement has not created the entirely cohesive community the Pilgrims wished. Characteristically, Bradford attributes the divisions within Plymouth to external forces (in this case, the private settlers), but the letters exchanged during the preliminary negotiations with the investors have already demonstrated that differences of opinion existed among the Pilgrims even before they set sail. This passage also provides evidence of the disintegrating relationship between the Pilgrims and their investors—something which Bradford attributes to rumors started by the private settlers, but which likely also stems from the different goals the Pilgrims and their backers had in establishing a colony.

"Concerning the killing of those poor Indians, of which we heard at first by rumour, and since by more definite report, oh! how happy a thing had it been if you had converted some, before you had killed any. Besides, where blood once begins to be shed, it is seldom staunched for a long time after. You will say they deserved it. I grant it; but upon what provocation from those heathenish Christians? [...] It is also apt to be more glorious in men's eyes, than pleasing in God's, or fit for Christians, to be a terror to poor barbarous peoples; and indeed I am afraid lest, by this example, others should be draw to adopt a kind of ruffling course in the world." 

One of the first altercations between the Pilgrims and a local tribe occurs after settlers from Weston's colony repeatedly steal food from the Native Americans. The tribe suspects that the Plymouth settlers might have been involved as well, and it prepares to attack them. Before the tribe can do so, the Pilgrims learn of the plan and round up and execute its leaders. Robinson's response to these events is interesting in that it implicitly criticizes the Pilgrims, particularly Myles Standish, who led the expedition to capture the ringleaders. Although Robinson clearly shares some of Bradford's prejudices, he also uses the term "heathenish" (92) to describe Weston's men, implying that savagery has more to do with conduct than ethnicity. His warning about the possible violence the Pilgrims may unleash is also prescient in that it foreshadows both the later conflicts with the Pequot and Narragansett and the violent impulses unleashed within the Pilgrims themselves. The 1638 murder of a Narragansett man—and the unwillingness of many settlers to execute the English perpetrator—demonstrates a growing tolerance of violence toward the surrounding tribes.

"Both Oldham and Lyford grew perverse, and showed a spirit of great malignancy, drawing as many into faction as they could." 

Oldham and Lyford are two of the outsiders Bradford describes as attempting to lure Pilgrims away from the Plymouth community. Oldham was a private settler, and Lyford a minister who joined the colony in 1624. What makes this passage especially significant, however, is Bradford's use of the term "malignancy" (97) to describe the men's actions. Illness is a recurring motif in Of Plymouth Plantation, and it often carries moral connotations. Medical knowledge in the 17th century was limited, so it is not surprising that Bradford often attributes outbreaks of disease to God's will; furthermore, the way in which disease spreads from person to person makes it a fitting metaphor for the moral contamination the Pilgrims are constantly on guard against. 

"Though the storm had blown over, the effects which followed it were serious; for the company of adventurers broke up in consequence, and the majority wholly deserted the colony as regards any further supplies." 

The company that funded the Pilgrims' settlement broke up for a variety of reasons, including financial losses resulting from a string of shipwrecks. One factor was ongoing tension with the Pilgrims themselves, in part because of religious differences between the two groups and in part because of accusations lodged by the private settlers against the Pilgrims. Meanwhile, the Pilgrims were constantly frustrated with their investors for not sending them more supplies. This lack of support may have helped shape the Pilgrims' work habits. Because they could not be certain that more supplies were coming, particularly after the disintegration of the colony, they had no choice but to rely on their own industry. Regardless, the above passage marks a turning point in Bradford's account. Shortly afterwards, the Pilgrims join forces with a handful of English "partners" (Sherley included) to buy out the investors.

"We have often before this wished for an opportunity to congratulate you on your prosperous and praiseworthy undertakings, and the Government of your colony there; the more so, since we also have made a good beginning in the foundation of a colony here, and because our native country is not far from yours, and our forefathers many years ago formed friendship and alliance with your ancestors both for war and trade." 

One sign of Plymouth's growing success as a colony is the willingness of other European settlers in the region to enter into trading alliances with it. This 1627 letter from a Dutch settlement, for instance, inquires about the possibility of buying or trading for animal skins. The Pilgrims accept the offer, establishing a mutually beneficial relationship that lasts several years. Ironically, it turns out to be the very success of the partnership that undoes it because the English and Dutch settlers increasingly find themselves in competition with one another as they expand their trading empires.

"Oh, the horror of this villainy! How many Dutch and English have lately been killed by Indians, thus furnished [with arms]; and no remedy is provided—nay the evil is increased. The blood of their brothers has been sold for profit; and in what danger all these colonies are is too well-known. Oh! that princes and parliaments would take some timely steps to prevent this mischief and to suppress it […] before their colonies in these parts are wiped out by the barbarous savages, armed with their own weapons by these traitors to their country." 

By 1628, the increased trading going on in New England was impacting the local tribes. The Pilgrims helped create a demand for wampum among several tribes that had not previously used it extensively. As the Native Americans become more enmeshed in the colonists' trading networks, they begin to use their profits to purchase firearms and ammunition—something which Bradford notes the English monarchy does ultimately ban. Bradford's disapproval ostensibly stems from the "barbarousness" (130) of the Native Americans, which he says could entirely wipe out the European colonies. Given the course of American history, it is difficult not to read Allerton's words here in terms of the advantage modern weaponry provided to would-be imperialists.

"This year [Allerton] brought over a great quantity [of goods to sell privately], and they were intermixed with the goods of the colony, and all packed together, so that it could not be said which were theirs and which were his…. […] And it seemed to result that what was most saleable and could be sold promptly, he claimed was his! He also began to sell to others outside the settlement, which, considering their agreement, they disliked. But love thinks no evil, nor is suspicious; so they took his fair words for excuse, and decided to send him to England again this year." 

Despite being part of the group of Pilgrims who came over on the Mayflower, Allerton ultimately betrays the colony's interests (at least according to Bradford); his determination to profit personally from his position as the Pilgrims' representative inspires both the implied dishonesty in this passage and the disastrous purchase of the White Angel. Given these early signs of Allerton's treachery, a reader of Bradford's account might wonder why the Pilgrims continued to employ him. Bradford's answer to this question is one that he provides in several instances throughout Of Plymouth Plantation, and it is essentially that the Pilgrims' commitment to Christian precepts makes them vulnerable to exploitation. In Allerton's case, the Pilgrims strive to interpret his actions charitably—so charitably, in fact, that they not only accept his apology but allow him to continue on in the same position. In other words, this passage highlights one of the potential conflicts between the Pilgrims' religious beliefs and the world of business.

"There are many honest Christians desirous to see us, some because of the love they bear us and the good opinion they have of us; others to see if we are so unworthy as they have heard. We have a name for holiness, and love towards God and his saints; the Lord make us more and more worthy of it, and that it may be more than a name, or else it will do us no good."

The above excerpt comes from a letter sent to Plymouth by a Pilgrim now living in the Massachusetts Bay Colony. Although these two colonies go on to have their differences, they do share similar religious convictions and—as this letter notes—some settlers there hope to see Plymouth for themselves. This tallies with Bradford's account of Plymouth's success, which he ascribes to God's desire to set the Pilgrims up as an example of true Christian living. Nevertheless, the letter implicitly warns against the Pilgrims taking too much pride in their "name for holiness" (149) which (the writer says) is ultimately thanks to God and must be "more than a name" (149).

"The charging of the White Angel to your account could not be more surprising to you than the purchase of her was to us; for you commissioned that what he did you would stand by; we gave him no such commission, yet for his credit and your sakes paid the bills he charged us with...As to my writing that she was to fulfill two purposes, fishing and trading, believe me I never so much as thought of any private trading, nor will I countenance any; for I was always against it, and used these very words: It will reduce the profits of the settlement and ruin it." 

The Pilgrims have had trouble with their business partners throughout Of Plymouth Plantation, and Allerton's purchase of the White Angel only places the relationship under more stress. In this letter to Plymouth, for instance, Sherley seems to be attempting to shift all of the blame for what has happened onto Allerton; he even hints that the Pilgrims have brought their problems on themselves by selecting Allerton as their representative in the first place. Bradford, for his part, says that he believes Sherley when he insists that he does not support Allerton's "private trading" (151), but the situation is clearly tense. The condemnation of private trading is also interesting in and of itself because it would appear to contradict the Pilgrims' emphasis on self-reliance and industry. In this case, the resulting competition is cutting into the colony's profits. The Pilgrims will ultimately react similarly to competition from other Dutch and English colonies, which suggests that the capitalism they embrace does not extend to completely free markets.

"Corn and cattle rose to a high price, and many were enriched, and commodities grew plentiful. But in other regards this benefit turned to their harm, and this accession of strength to weakness. For as their stocks increased and became more saleable, there was no longer any holding them together; they must of necessity obtain bigger holdings, otherwise they could not keep their cattle; and having oxen they must have land for ploughing. So in time no one thought he could live unless he had cattle and a great deal of land to keep them, all striving to increase their stocks. By this means they were quickly scattered all over the Bay, and the town in which they had lived compactly until now was left very thinly peopled, and in a short time almost desolate.

If this had been all the ill that resulted, it would have been small in comparison with the rest; but the church was also disunited, and those who had lived so long together in Christian and comfortable fellowship, must now part and suffer many divisions." 

By the early 1630s, the religious goals that motivated the Pilgrims to settle in Plymouth are arguably giving way to economic interests. In fact, it is partly Plymouth's financial success that is now leading to its social disintegration. As Bradford explains in this passage, settlers hoping to expand their farming are forced to purchase land farther and farther away from the community's center. This in turn causes the congregation to fracture, since settlers prove unwilling to travel so far to go to church. Bradford clearly regrets the resulting loss of "Christian and comfortable fellowship" (160) even hinting that it represents a backward slide into worldliness; he remarks, for instance, that "no one thought he could live unless he had cattle" (160), implying that the relocations were not truly necessary but rather the result of ambition or greed. It is unclear if the dispersal could have been avoided—particularly because Plymouth's government offers incentives to those who remain in an attempt to stop the outflow. In other words, this passage reveals the tensions between Plymouth's economic system and its aspirations to community living.

"The advice given them by Mr. Winthrop and others was, that from their court at New Plymouth they should write to their neighbouring settlements, especially to that at Piscataqua and theirs in Massachusetts, appointing a meeting at some suitable place, to deliberate on the subject, full powers being delegated to those attending the meeting from the various colonies, but nothing to be done which should infringe the liberties of any of them." 

In an effort to resolve the dispute over the death of Hocking—a settler from Piscataqua—the Governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony advises impaneling a set of delegates from all three communities. Although the representatives from Piscataqua fail to show up at the appointed place and time, those from Plymouth and Massachusetts do meet and reach a decision. The episode therefore paves the way for the eventual creation of a confederacy of colonies; the increase in trade and settlement in the region has made this kind of cooperation not only helpful, but unavoidable.

"Three or four Dutchmen were up in the beginning of winter to live with [a Native American tribe], to get their trade and prevent them from bringing it down to the English, or from getting friendly with them. But their enterprise failed, for it pleased God to afflict these Indians with such a deadly sickness, that out of 1,000 over 950 of them died, and many of them lay rotting above ground for want of burial, and the Dutchmen almost starved before they could get away, kept there by the ice and snow."

The above passage is significant for several reasons. For one, Bradford's attribution of the virtual annihilation of an entire tribe to divine providence is likely to be shocking to modern readers—particularly because Bradford seems to approve of the deaths primarily because they place the Dutch at an economic disadvantage. In other words, the Pilgrims are now so invested in their trading interests that they view anything that protects those interests as a sign of God's favor. The episode, in other words, hints at the roles religion and profit would play in justifying imperialism. At the same time, aspects of the passage undercut its generally racist tone. Bradford, for instance, implies that the Dutch traders "almost starved" (172) because of the unexpected deaths of the Native Americans, who were presumably better prepared for the winter than the ostensibly more "civilized" Dutch.

"It is believed that there were about 400 [Pequot] killed. It was a fearful sight to see them frying in the fire, with streams of blood quenching it; the smell was horrible, but the victory seemed a sweet sacrifice, and they gave praise to God Who had wrought so wonderfully for them, thus to enclose their enemy, and give them so speedy a victory over such a proud and insulting foe." 

Although the massacre described in this passage does not involve the Pilgrims directly, Bradford's clear approval speaks to the Pilgrims' attitudes toward the Native Americans, which seem to have hardened over the years. Bradford characterizes the conflict as one which the Pequot started, but this is presumably not the Pequot's understanding of the situation. Bradford himself provides some insight into their mindset when he reports that they "used very pernicious arguments to persuade [the Narragansett to enter into a truce]: the English were strangers, and were beginning to overspread the country, and would deprive them of it in time if they were allowed to increase" (188). The Pequot, in other words, presumably see their actions as self-defense, which makes Bradford's gory description of their deaths (and his attribution of their deaths to God) even more jarring.

"It happened that at the time [of the earthquake] several of the chief citizens of the town were holding a meeting in a house, conferring with some of their friends who were about to move from the place—as if the Lord would hereby show His displeasure at their thus shaking apart and removing from one another." 

In 1638, an earthquake strikes Plymouth and the surrounding areas. Bradford characteristically suggests that this is a sign from God, but also (and more unusually) says that the target of God's displeasure is the Plymouth community itself. This is a reasonable conclusion since Bradford has previously argued that God is specially interested in the survival of a Christian community in Plymouth. Nevertheless, it is an indication of how far the colony has drifted from its original purposes in Bradford's eyes that he is now willing to attribute a disaster striking the community to God.

"Give me leave to include you all in one letter concerning the final end and conclusion of this tiresome and tedious business, which I think I may truly say is uncomfortable and unprofitable for all…. […] It has pleased God now to show us a way to cease all suits and disputes, and to conclude in peace and love as we began. I am content to make good what Mr. Atwood and you have agreed upon, and for that end have sent him an absolute and general release to you all." 

In 1642, the Pilgrims are finally able to mostly close out their accounts with the English partners. The preceding year, the Pilgrims had tallied up their own estimate of their debt and presented it to Sherley and his associates for approval. In this letter, Sherley accepts the Pilgrims' terms, though not without some annoyance over the "tiresome and tedious business" (205) of dealing with the Pilgrims. As a result, the Pilgrims are able to pay off their remaining debt at £1400, while also freeing themselves of any financial responsibility for the White Angel going forward.

"What though [Mr. Brewster] lacked the riches and pleasures of the world in this life, and pompous monuments at his funeral? Yet 'the memorial of the just shall be blessed, when the name of the wicked shall rot,'—with their marble monuments (Prov. X, 7)." 

Bradford's lengthy account of William Brewster's life (and death) interrupts the main narrative and might therefore seem, at first glance, like nothing more than a digression. However, its placement toward the end of the book is telling, as is the wistfulness of Bradford's tone in this passage. Brewster was a leading member of the Plymouth community who came over on the Mayflower; his death therefore marks the end of an era that was already winding down thanks to the settlers' dispersal and the growth of powerful colonies like Massachusetts Bay. In this context, Bradford's praise of Brewster as a humble and spiritual man becomes especially poignant, since "riches" (9) are becoming a more important driving force in New England.